No.478062
Western communist practice should not shy away from popular movements or even anarchists and pseudo-leftists. There is enormous potential for building communist base among the youth who will participate in the many autonomous and grassroot alternative organisations. Equipped with communist theory and tactics, they have great unifying potential. The trade unions are all yellow. In culture, liberal NGOs dominate with their anti-humanism or religious patriotism for the capitalist XXI century. Education is integrated into the national and consequently the world market. The communists can exercise power in all autonomous communities and they must do so and consolidate them in order to actually create a mass base outside the established forms of power that have been But this is contrary to the whole elaborate application of Leninist organisational theory, the clarification of which should be the most urgent task.
At studying the history of revolutions (and failed revolutions), it is clear how important element is the construction of alternative power. And logically it is also necessary - not we cannot rely on the capitalist media to spread the news about radicalisation events or new local groups, or simply the discourse of etc. We cannot have a strong workers' democracy without having a very a very involved and engaged population on the ground, holding representatives accountable (or to ensure that there are also communist, non-market ways of representing people, such as such as pre-determining politics as a party made up of the working class, and ensuring that the representatives of that party are committed to our decisions).
There are two revolutions; one revolution is in those who are conscious communists, actively devoting their time and energy to the problems they face, and in their independent organisations. The other is the sum total of the gains made by the working class has gained from the bourgeoisie. With the first, the situation is more binary, everything is either revolutionary or counter-revolutionary, and the growth happens when we attack the ideological/cultural camp of the enemy and explicitly win individuals for communism, but also when we look out for each other in mutual aid and defence, the second is when we (and anyone who doesn't submit) push little by little the non-revolutionary organisations towards socialism (consciously or unconsciously). We attack the enemy camp and feeding each other, building brick by brick. The broader process of construction of socialism is so vast, it will involve so much education and so much struggle, that we will not be finished with the bricklaying until long after we reach the top. Building of socialism, while repressing the bourgeoisie, must be on the offensive wherever we have advantage.
People, the proletarians, who are harmed by other things - pollution and the use of land, monopoly prices, real estate speculation that drives up rents, undemocratic governments leading to discriminatory police and justice systems, state sales of beloved public land, high taxes and the fact that these taxes are used to subsidise the rich or pay politicians' friends, etc., are not issues that can immediately point to class, but there are such a web of interrelated problems that we face as proletarians (i.e. as citizens, as consumers, as human beings, as families, etc.), and tracking the problem, either by action or by education, always leads to radical and communist solutions.
For communists, for the proletariat, revolution is something we cultivate. We nurture it and care for it, it grows when we educate each other, when we become novice, when we we organize around issues that concern us, and when we become involved in the culture of care that sustains these practices - because they require time and energy, exactly what capitalism is trying to squeeze every last bit out of us.